Monthly Archives: April 2007

Medical Errors

Robin Hanson has written an interesting post over at Overcoming Bias:

What type of hospital should you use if sick? Well none if possible; you suffer about a 1 in 200 chance of dying from a medical error during each hospital stay. But what if your problem is bad enough to be worth this risk?

Studies of how often patients die during or after hospital stays, correcting for patient sickness, give many conflicting results. There may be benefits from hospitals with more nurses per patient, and from private non-profit teaching hospitals.

Political Reform

Steven Landsburg is guest blogging over at the Volokh Conspiracy. He recently posted this gem on political reform:

The problem with democracy is not that politicians kowtow to financiers and lobbyists; it’s that politicians kowtow to their own consituents, spending other people’s money along the way. In other words, their incentives are all wrong. Effective reform should supply better incentives.

So if I could make just one change in the American political system, it would be to give each voter two votes in every congressional election. You’d get one vote to cast in your own district and another to cast in the district of your choice. When a congressman from West Virginia funnels taxpayers’ money from fifty states to his home district, I want him to face the prospect that taxpayers from fifty states will share their feelings with him on election day.

I’d also redraw the boundaries of Congressional districts according to the alphabet instead of geography. Instead of congressmen from central Delaware and northern Colorado, we’d have a congressman for everyone whose name begins with AA through AE, another for everyone whose name begins with AF through AL, and so on. The point being that it’s easy to devise a pork barrel project that benefits everyone in northern Colorado, but a lot harder to devise a pork barrel project that benefits everyone whose name happens to begin with Q.

Finally, I want federal income tax rates determined separately in each congressional district, as a function of how much spending your congressman has voted for. The more he votes to spend, the more you pay in taxes. That should solve the problem of voters who pay little attention to what their representatives are up to.

Baseball Economist Podcast

Bloomberg has posted a podcast of a conversation with our friend J.C. Bradbury about his new book. You can download the podcast by clicking here.

Universal Health Care

Michael Cannon writes:

I may lose my health policy decoder ring for asking this, but should we really be focusing specifically on covering the uninsured? What do we think covering the uninsured would accomplish?

Would it improve health? Perhaps. But according to health economists Helen Levy of the University of Michigan’s Economic Research Initiative on the Uninsured and David Meltzer of the University of Chicago there is “no evidence” that expanding coverage is a cost-effective way to do so. That is, there are other approaches that could purchase more health for the money spent. Nor would expanding coverage appear to increase overall longevity. Health economist James Smith of Rand notes that health insurance “is vastly overrated in the policy debate.”

Read the whole thing.

Landsburg on Frank

Steven Landsburg posted this comment over at Café Hayek regarding Robert Frank’s poor essay on trickle-down theory:

Let’s take Frank’s implicit assumptions at face value:

1) Given the current median income, the median family doesn’t want to spend more for better health care.

2) We ought to tax the rich to help those in the middle.

How the HELL does it follow that you should tax the rich to give people in the middle something that they would *prefer not to have*, given the cost?

Indeed.

I also recommend checking out Landsburg’s new book.

Capitalism and Freedom

Thoughts on taxes from MyDD:

I just paid my taxes, and I have to say, I always take pride when I do so. I don’t like having less money to spend, of course, and the complexity of the process is really upsetting. But I am proud to pay for democracy, and I feel when I do send money to the DC Treasurer and the US Treasury that that is what I am doing. The right-wing likes to pretend as if taxes are a burden instead of the price of democracy. And I suppose, if you hate democracy, as the right-wing does, then taxes are the price for paying for something you really don’t want. Personally, I find banking fees, high cable and internet charges, health care costs, and credit card hidden charges much more abrasive than taxes, because with those I’m just being ripped off to pay for someone’s summer home.

As a classical liberal, I am not a right v. left sort of person, so I will not denigrate either side. However, this “what you can do for your country” attitude was discussed by Milton Friedman in Capitalism and Freedom:

To the free man, the country is the collection of individuals who compose it, not something over and above them. He is proud of a common heritage and loyal to common traditions. But he regards government as a means, an instrumentality, neither a grantor of favors and gifts, nor a master or god to be blindly worshipped and served.

[...]

Government is necessary to preserve our freedom, it is an instrument through which we can preserve our freedom; yet by concentrating power in political hands, it is also a threat to freedom.

It is not our tax dollars that preserve democracy, it is our collective will as individuals who believe in freedom. While it is important to have government, Friedman further emphasized that it is essential to reduce the scope of government to prevent a concentration of power and political corruption.

The event of paying taxes is no more significant than his payments to the cable and internet companies. These are voluntary transactions. What is a better sign of freedom than paying for something of your own choosing?

Freedom and democracy are something to celebrate. However, it is no more patriotic to gleefully pay taxes than to question the role of government.

Don’t Get Too Excited…

The inflation numbers are in and despite the “better-than-expected” numbers, there is still reason for concern.

The Wall Street Journal reports:

However, a rate reduction seems unlikely until inflation shows a more marked deceleration. Consumer prices were 2.8% higher than a year earlier, according to Tuesday’s report, while core prices advanced 2.5% from a year ago, down from last year’s peak of 2.9%. Over the last three months, the core CPI has risen at a 2.3% annualized rate.

The Fed’s preferred inflation gauge, the core personal consumption expenditures price index, is running at a 2.4% annual clip through February, well above the 2% level that’s considered the top end of the Fed’s comfort zone.

No matter the measure, inflation is still above the Fed’s implicit target. They will not be cutting rates any time soon.

The Bootleggers Come to the Table

“…every businessman is in favor of freedom for everybody else, but when it comes to himself that’s a different question. He’s always the special case. He ought to get special privileges from the government, a tariff, this, that, and the other thing…”

Milton Friedman

With all the talk about global warming, environmentalists have been pushing for stronger regulations on fuel economy. Following the Supreme Court’s decision recently that the Environmental Protection Agency has the right to regulate emissions, the New York Times reported that the carmakers in Detroit were eager to help. This newfound cooperation from the automakers came as a surprise to many observers. However, those familiar with the theory of the “Bootleggers and Baptists”, this is something that has come to be expected.

Clemson University economics professor Bruce Yandle developed the “Bootleggers and Baptists” theory based on a common thread found in regulatory restrictions. According to Yandle, “durable social regulation evolves when it is demand by both of two distinctly different groups.” The first group, the paternalistic Baptists, is one that supports regulation on moral grounds and its name is derived from those who actively promoted prohibition. The second group, the rent-seeking Bootleggers, is one that stands to profit from the regulation. Often times, the Bootleggers stand in the background while benefiting from the new restrictions.

In this case, the Baptists are the environmentalists arguing that we must reduce greenhouse gas emissions to save the planet from the perceived threat of global warming. The Bootleggers are the automakers that, for years, have profited from environmental regulation. The only surprise is that this time, they have come to the foreground.

Automakers have long been the benefactors of environmental regulation. On the surface, the companies speak out on the behalf of the consumer, rightly pointing out the price increases that regulatory restrictions create. However, the automakers have worked with environmentalists toward compromise to secure higher profitability.

In the 1970s, at the behest of environmentalists, the Environmental Protection Agency began regulating motor vehicle exhaust systems. The EPA mandated that every car must be equipped with a catalytic converter to reduce the toxicity of automobile emissions. This, quite obviously, was seen as a victory for the environmentalist. In the background, however, was a Bootlegger by the name of General Motors. The U.S. automaker also stood to benefit from this regulation because they owned the patent for this new mandated device. Meanwhile Honda, which was developing a cleaner engine, abandoned its plans after the mandate.

The fact that American automakers are coming to the table to openly discuss regulation rather than doing so in the background is likely due to the fact that high gas prices and global warming concerns have begun to wear on the minds of potential car buyers. Demonstrating a common concern with consumers may prove to be a good move with respect to the carmakers’ bottom line.

Automakers routinely seek the cheapest way to comply with the regulation – and rightfully so — attaching catalytic converters and reducing the weight of vehicles rather than developing cleaner engines. This is just one example that demonstrates the inefficiencies of regulation. Restrictions reward those who can offer a patch to the problem in the short run while ignoring the potential benefits of innovation in the long run. Unfortunately, regulation is not flexible and there tends to be large political barriers toward de-regulation.

Rather than regulatory restrictions, the promotion of technological advancement should be the goal of those who seek to reduce emissions. Nevertheless, regulatory restrictions persist as the modus operandi to the detriment of consumers. If you ever wonder why, think no further than the Bootleggers and the Baptists.

The Debate Continues

The debate between our friends Don Luskin and Barry Ritholtz continues here, here, and here.

The Free Market at Work

Jerry Bowyer writes:

Pretend for a moment that you are a hard-core Leftie. I tell you a story in which a wealthy and powerful middle-aged white man insults several young black girls. His fate is to be determined by the hierarchy of a large multinational conglomerate peopled with old friends of his. Oh, and by the way, he personally brings millions of dollars of profits into the business. Who, dear temporary Leftie, will the good old boy corporate network back – the wealthy white guy or working class black girls?

Surprise, they chose the girls. Why? Because of something called ‘consumer sovereignty,’ the doctrine preached by the great Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises, which holds that, in the end, consumers, not corporations, control the marketplace.

Read the whole thing.